John Gibbard

Private education has become the de jour punchbag of British politics — an easy morality play in which centuries of institutions are tried and condemned by a handful of badly-behaved, and dare I say it spiteful, ministers. The private school caricature bears no resemblance to the sector, the people who work in it, or most absurdly, the children inside it.

Strip away the theatrics and the picture sharpens. British independent schools are a globally admired export¹; they pull in huge amounts of talent and investment, employ thousands, and act as civic anchors in their communities. They share facilities, teachers, expertise, and pastoral support with neighbouring state schools because, dear reader, that is how most of them actually see their role. That is to say, one not of gated enclaves of inherited privilege but as part of a wider educational ecosystem.

One suspects the loudest objectors often haven’t set foot inside one, and certainly many of the people I see happily reposting and sharing the ill-informed social meeeja posts. Go to an Open Day. Spend any time with the pupils and the Edwardian stage villains dissolve. They are in fact courteous, switched-on, socially literate children being taught in stable, well-governed environments with real pastoral depth. Imagining otherwise does not pass for analysis; it is a displacement activity for people who prefer class warfare to contact. For that is almost exclusively what this is.

The VAT wheeze exposes how unserious and skewed the debate has become. We are told it will “raise standards”, yet private healthcare (which naturally also relieves pressure on a stretched public service) remains exempt². Taxing private schools (or more accurately, penalising the parents of private school kids) is a policy crafted to look righteous from a podium, not one that will strengthen a single physics department or fund a SEND unit. Revenue-raising in sheep’s clothing rarely delivers either revenue or sanctity. This is, evidentially, not an argument of economics, it is one of politics and if your argument for improving state schools is “make private schools worse”, you’ve already admitted you don’t believe the state sector can ever be good enough on its own terms.

We are never more ideological than when we discuss single-sex education. The data on boys is brutal: later maturation, slower executive function, a decade-plus of academic trailing³. Boys’ schools, especially prep and 13+ (in a private system that understands this) were built around those facts, not wishful thinking. The better outcomes they produce are not sorcery; they are the predictable return on taking development seriously. Preferring co-ed may feel ethically cleaner, but cleanliness is not evidence and pretending all variation is moral failure is not progressive, it’s simply lazy.

I say this as a father of an eleven-year-old boy in the single-sex private system and a two-and-a-half-year-old daughter who, with luck, will thrive in the girls’ system. I am not blind to the privilege. I am also a single sex grammar-school state boy still active on its alumni committee; my sister is a deputy head in a co-ed state primary; my nephews are all co-ed state educated. My perspective is broad because my life is. I respect the best of both sectors and the staff who hold them together.

Yet I recognise too the extreme social awkwardness of admitting any of this. In 2016-18 I was frequently “the only Tory in your feed” and rounded upon by an overwhelmingly left-liberal consensus. But I quietly like seeing parents, who cannot say publicly that their child is privately educated without being cast as the villain in someone else’s passion play, softly liking posts and commenting below the line. Most make brutal financial and lifestyle sacrifices; we and my fellow cohort parents are not oligarchs hoarding caviar futures. Demonising them (us) is the political equivalent of comfort eating.

Which brings me to a Premier League analogy. Of course many would say the PL is too rich and powerful, most fans want the big clubs to send more money downwards, and quite right too; the pyramid would be healthier for it. But the VAT policy is not a bigger solidarity payment or a fairer split of the TV billions. It is engineered to make independent schools unviable for anyone who isn’t oligarch-rich, to empty the boarding houses, shutter the smaller places, vanish the bursaries, and then declare victory when the waiting lists disappear. Be under no illusion, that is the agenda, not redistribution but rather demolition in a hair shirt, a moralising war on parents who refuse to accept whatever the local state dishes up.

Our education debate treats excellence as provocation and variation as injustice. A confident country would study what works, invest in repairing and replenishing what is weak, and stop pretending resentment is policy (cf. Netherland, Denmark⁴). We all want a state sector so good that private becomes a preference, not a necessity. That won’t happen by dismantling what already works. It will happen by humility, graft, training, retention, stability and by recognising that imitation, not demolition, is what lifts the whole.

AI disclosure: As always, the thesis and the writing is mine. I use Ai as a sub-editor to align my pieces with my typical style and tidy up the most ragged bits. I also used it to generate the image, the excerpt for the post and suggest the keyword tags. I quite obviously use Google to find relevant facts to support my arguments.

1. According to the ISC 2025 Census, 25,526 non-British pupils with overseas parents generated > £1.1 billion in fees alone (with ancillary spending pushing the total past £1.3–1.5 billion), while 115 British-branded campuses abroad now educate nearly 100k foreign pupils who never touch UK soil yet pay dearly for the privilege. This isn’t marketing puff; it is the reason Dulwich College Seoul can charge £35k a year and still turn families away, and why successive governments have treated the sector as one of Britain’s last unambiguous soft-power wins. ↩︎
2. Private medical care supplied by registered health professionals remains fully VAT-exempt under long-standing HMRC rules, a position Wes Streeting reaffirmed in September 2025 when explicitly ruling out any change. ↩︎
3. In 2025 GCSEs girls outperformed boys by 6.2 percentage points at grade 4+ (70.5% vs 64.3%) and the gap has persisted, essentially unchanged in shape and scale, for well over fifteen years and is just starting to narrow. Neurodevelopmental trajectories show boys’ prefrontal cortex peaking roughly two years later than girls’, with commensurate delays in executive functions (i.e. inhibitory control, attention regulation, emotional self-management) that matter most between 11 and 16. ↩︎
4. The Netherlands has done exactly this. Apparently (thanks Google) its Constitution mandates equal public funding for public and private schools alike, so two-thirds of Dutch pupils now attend independently run institutions while the entire system remains among the world’s highest-performing and most equitable. There’s no resentment, no demolition, just the quiet confidence of a country that studies what works and copies it. Denmark’s century-old friskoler tradition operates on the same principle and delivers the same result: genuine plurality, higher average standards, and not a single politician wasting breath on punishing parents who dare to choose. ↩︎